in November 2025, as Israel stood accused of genocide by the United Nations, as the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for its prime minister, and as over 72,000 Palestinians lay dead in Gaza’s rubble, Argentine President Javier Milei unveiled his “historic” diplomatic initiative: the Isaac Accords. Named after Abraham’s biblical son and modeled explicitly on the 2020 Abraham Accords that betrayed Palestinians across the Middle East, this new framework seeks to replicate that betrayal across Latin America. The initiative offers Israel diplomatic legitimacy, weapons deals, and strategic partnerships precisely when the international community should be isolating the apartheid regime for its crimes against humanity. The Isaac Accords represent not peace, not progress, but a coordinated assault on international law, a cynical attempt to normalize genocide, and a blueprint for how far-right authoritarian leaders can weaponize diplomatic frameworks to reward criminality and crush dissent.

The timing is no accident. Latin America has become a focal point of global resistance to Israeli impunity. Bolivia, Colombia, Nicaragua, and Belize have severed diplomatic ties with Israel over the Gaza genocide. Chile, Brazil, and Honduras recalled their ambassadors in protest. Seven Latin American nations, including Colombia, Chile, Mexico, and Nicaragua, joined or supported South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice. Colombian President Gustavo Petro expelled all Israeli diplomats, suspended the free-trade agreement, and called Israel’s actions what they are: genocide. This is the context Milei seeks to destroy. By launching the Isaac Accords now, Milei positions himself and Argentina as the spearhead of a counter-movement designed to reverse Latin America’s historic pivot toward justice for Palestinians and international legal accountability for Israeli war crimes.

To understand the Isaac Accords, one must understand their architect. Javier Milei is not simply pro-Israel. He is a fanatical Zionist ideologue whose devotion to the Israeli state borders on religious fervor. The self-described “anarcho-capitalist” libertarian, who won Argentina’s presidency in 2023 on promises to chainsaw the government apart, has made support for Israel the cornerstone of his foreign policy. This shift marks a profound break from Argentina’s historic diplomatic positions and represents the subordination of Argentine national interests to ideological commitment to Israel.

Milei’s transformation into Israel’s most ardent defender in Latin America was orchestrated by Rabbi Shimon Axel Wahnish, now Argentina’s ambassador to Israel and the first person to publicly announce the Isaac Accords in June 2025. Wahnish, who served as Milei’s personal rabbi and spiritual advisor, first encountered the then-fringe politician in June 2021 when Milei sought to counter perceptions of antisemitism. What was scheduled as a 15-minute meeting stretched to two hours, forging a relationship that would reshape Argentine foreign policy. Milei began attending Wahnish’s classes at the Great Temple of Piedras Street, joining the rabbi’s family for Shabbat dinners and Jewish holidays, and infusing his presidential campaign with Jewish symbolism including the blowing of the shofar. This intimate spiritual connection became the foundation for what would become Israel’s most significant diplomatic initiative in the Western Hemisphere.

Upon taking office, Milei made Wahnish Argentina’s first rabbi-ambassador to Israel, a role vacant since 2022, and immediately signaled his intentions. In January 2025, Milei became the first non-Jewish recipient of the Genesis Prize, often called the “Jewish Nobel,” awarded for his “steadfast support of Israel during one of the most challenging periods in its history.” Standing in Israel’s Knesset as Gaza burned, Milei declared: “I consider Israel and the United States as our two main strategic partners. We did not hesitate to declare Hamas as a terrorist organization. My brothers and sisters, Argentina stands by you in these difficult times.” Argentina had indeed become the first Latin American country to designate Hamas a terrorist organization in August 2024, with Paraguay following suit. This designation, made without consultation with other Latin American governments and against the region’s historic support for Palestinian rights, signaled Argentina’s willingness to break ranks with its neighbors.

Milei’s zealotry extends beyond rhetoric. He has promised to relocate Argentina’s embassy to Jerusalem in spring 2026, despite Jerusalem’s status as illegally occupied territory under international law. He has pledged to reverse Argentina’s voting patterns at the United Nations to consistently support Israel, overturning decades of Argentine support for Palestinian self-determination. He recites Hebrew blessings at diplomatic meetings, keeps a kippah in his presidential office, and told Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar during their November meeting: “See you soon in Jerusalem.” Sa’ar described Milei’s affinity for Judaism and Israel as “sincere, powerful and moving,” calling his election “a double miracle, for Argentina and for the Jewish people.” The language reveals the theological dimension of this relationship. For Sa’ar and Israel’s leadership, Milei is not simply a useful political ally but a figure with redemptive significance for the Jewish state.

This is not diplomacy. This is ideological submission, the subordination of Argentina’s foreign policy interests to service of a state committing genocide. For a president of a sovereign nation to place another country’s interests above those of his own people, to reshape his nation’s foreign policy based on religious conviction rather than national interests, represents a historic abdication of presidential responsibility. Milei has essentially converted the Argentine state apparatus into an instrument for advancing Israeli objectives in the Western Hemisphere.

The Isaac Accords operate through a sophisticated institutional architecture designed to bypass democratic accountability and entrench pro-Israel policy regardless of electoral outcomes. This is not accidental. The creators of the initiative learned lessons from the Abraham Accords, understanding that normalization agreements must be institutionalized at multiple levels to survive political transitions. When Milei received the $1 million Genesis Prize in June 2025, he donated the entire sum to establish the American Friends of Isaac Accords, a New York-based nonprofit that serves as the initiative’s operational arm. This NGO structure is critical because it allows the accords to function outside traditional diplomatic channels, directly funding pro-Israel organizations, arranging delegation trips, and facilitating partnerships between Israeli firms and Latin American markets.

The NGO structure also provides insulation from democratic accountability. While elected officials come and go, the institutional apparatus funded by the Genesis Prize operates in perpetuity. Even if Milei loses power in Argentina’s next election, the American Friends of Isaac Accords will continue advancing the initiative’s agenda, ensuring that pro-Israel policy becomes embedded in Latin American governments regardless of electoral outcomes. This is a profound threat to democratic sovereignty across the region.

One critical analysis noted the danger clearly: “This is the hidden strength of the sprawling NGO and think tank networks that steer much of foreign policy from behind the scenes. This consortium of NGOs advances Zionist objectives regardless of who occupies office, answering only to itself and shrugging off any of the consequences.” The Genesis Prize Foundation provided the seed funding, with Chairman Stan Polovets declaring at the June ceremony: “We must end Israel’s isolation on the world stage. Together with President Milei, we will start in Latin America and help make his dream of Isaac Accords a reality.” The explicit goal stated here is to end Israel’s isolation, not to promote peace or Palestinian rights. The framework is designed to reward Israel regardless of its actions, to build diplomatic relationships that insulate Israel from consequences for its violations.

AFOIA’s initial grant recipients reveal the ideological ecosystem driving the accords: StandWithUs, Israel Allies Foundation, The Philos Project, and other pro-Israel advocacy groups already established in Latin America. These organizations have spent years cultivating relationships with Latin American political and civil society leaders, building networks that can be activated to support normalization. The organization is led by former U.S. Ambassador to Costa Rica S. Fitzgerald “Fitz” Haney as Managing Director for Latin America, giving the initiative access to U.S. diplomatic expertise and networks. The initiative explicitly aims to “raise tens of millions of dollars to support programs that foster long-term cooperation,” creating a self-sustaining apparatus for Israeli influence across the region. With tens of millions in funding flowing from the Genesis Prize, wealthy U.S. donors, and Israeli government resources, the Isaac Accords represent an unprecedented investment in reshaping Latin American foreign policy.

The Isaac Accords pursue concrete diplomatic milestones that directly undermine Palestinian rights and international law. These are not vague aspirations but specific policy objectives with measurable outcomes that will be pursued systematically:

1. Embassy relocations to Jerusalem: The accords encourage Latin American nations to relocate embassies from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, legitimizing Israel’s illegal annexation of occupied Palestinian territory in flagrant violation of international law and UN Security Council resolutions. The symbolism is profound. Jerusalem is the capital of Palestine in the eyes of international law and the Palestinian people. Moving embassies signals recognition of Israel’s colonial claims over the city and denies Palestinian sovereignty. The accords leverage the legitimacy that normalization brings to accomplish what military force alone cannot: the transformation of Jerusalem’s status in international consciousness.

2. Designation of Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist organizations: This reframes legitimate resistance movements as terrorism, adopting Israeli and U.S. narratives while ignoring the context of military occupation and apartheid. The designation serves multiple purposes. It delegitimizes Palestinian and Lebanese political movements, it criminalizes support for Palestinian rights, and it legally prevents engagement with the elected representatives of millions of people. By pushing Latin American countries to make these designations, the accords ensure that governments cannot negotiate with Palestinian and Lebanese leaders, making peaceful resolution impossible.

3. Reversing UN voting patterns: The accords explicitly seek to flip decades of Latin American support for Palestinian rights at the United Nations, where the region has historically voted for resolutions condemning Israeli settlements, occupation, and human rights violations. The UN General Assembly has repeatedly passed resolutions supporting Palestinian self-determination, condemning Israeli settlement expansion, and calling for investigations into Israeli war crimes. Latin America has been essential to these majorities. By turning Latin American votes, the accords would fundamentally alter the global balance of power at the United Nations, making it impossible for the world organization to constrain Israeli actions.

4. Security cooperation and arms deals: The framework facilitates Israeli weapons exports and intelligence sharing, directly supplying the military apparatus committing genocide in Gaza. Israeli arms companies have billions in revenue at stake in Latin American markets. Normalization opens these markets, allowing Israeli weapons manufacturers to profit from Latin American military spending while simultaneously strengthening the military-industrial alliance between Israel and Latin American militaries and security services. This creates permanent structural interests aligned with Israeli security policies.

5. Economic integration in strategic sectors: The accords promote Israeli technology transfers in agriculture, water management, and cyberdefense, sectors where Israeli companies have directly participated in the dispossession and oppression of Palestinians. Agriculture and water technology come from companies deeply integrated with Israel’s occupation apparatus in the West Bank. Cyberdefense partnerships will integrate Latin American security services with Israeli intelligence. These economic relationships create dependencies that make it politically difficult for countries to criticize or sanction Israel.

The initiative’s phased approach reveals its ambitions and strategic logic. Phase One targets Uruguay, Panama, and Costa Rica, countries with existing but improvable ties to Israel that “have opportunities for deeper cooperation” and whose “UN voting records on Israel could be improved,” according to AFOIA Managing Director Haney. These countries are chosen because they are already somewhat aligned with Israel but have not yet gone far enough in their support. Phase Two, planned for 2026 and beyond, targets Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and potentially El Salvador and Bolivia. Attempting to pull back nations that have taken strong stances against Israeli crimes represents the true ambition of the initiative. These are the governments that have actually severed ties, joined genocide cases, and expelled Israeli diplomats. The accords aim to reverse these decisions by using economic incentives, diplomatic pressure, and the strategic networks being built through AFOIA.

The November 27, 2025 meeting between Milei and Sa’ar in Buenos Aires marked the formal diplomatic launch. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu praised Milei’s “moral clarity, vision, and courage” as signals of “a new era of common sense, mutual interests, and shared values between Israel and Latin America.” Netanyahu invited “all our friends across the continent, those who believe in freedom, security and prosperity, to join the Isaac Accords,” explicitly linking the initiative to “U.S. leadership under President Trump.” The coordination is no coincidence. The Isaac Accords represent a transnational far-right project binding together Milei, Netanyahu, and Trump in defense of apartheid and genocide. This is not simply about Israel. It reflects a broader alignment between far-right movements across the globe who view support for Israel as a test of ideological purity and opposition to progressive internationalism.

Among the most insidious aspects of the Isaac Accords is the promotion of Israeli “water technology” as a cornerstone of economic cooperation. This is presented as innocent technical assistance, Israel sharing its expertise in water management with Latin American partners facing water scarcity. The reality is far more sinister. These partnerships legitimize and profit from one of the most egregious violations of Palestinian human rights: Israel’s systematic theft of Palestinian water resources. The technological expertise being exported has been refined through decades of denying Palestinians water for survival.

Mekorot, Israel’s state-owned national water company, is explicitly mentioned in existing Argentine-Israeli water cooperation agreements, with “more than a dozen of Argentina’s states already have commercial agreements between the Argentine water company AySA and the Israeli state water company, Mekorot.” This is not a neutral technical partnership. Mekorot has been the primary instrument of water apartheid in occupied Palestinian territory since 1967, and its expansion into Latin America serves both profit and political objectives for Israel.

After Israel’s military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza in June 1967, Israeli authorities immediately issued military orders transferring control of all water resources to Israeli control. Palestinians have been prohibited from drilling new water wells, installing pumps, or deepening existing wells without Israeli military permission, permission that is systematically denied. Israel even controls the collection of rainwater, and Palestinian rainwater harvesting cisterns are routinely destroyed by the Israeli army. In 1982, military control was transferred to Mekorot, integrating all Palestinian water resources into a single Israeli-controlled system that operates for the benefit of Israel and its settlers. This was not simply a policy decision. It was the implementation of a colonial strategy to dispossess Palestinians of fundamental resources necessary for survival.

The consequences are devastating and deliberately engineered. Palestinians in the West Bank consume an average of 70 liters of water per person per day, while Israelis consume 300 liters. For Israeli settlers in the West Bank, who are living illegally under international law, the average rises to 800 liters per person per day. Only 50 percent of Palestinian households receive water on a daily basis. Mekorot routinely charges Palestinians more for water than Israeli settlers, uses smaller-diameter pipes in Palestinian areas, and systematically decreases or cuts off water supply to Palestinians, especially in summer, to meet the demands of Israeli settlers and citizens. These are not accidents or technical issues. They are deliberate policies designed to make Palestinian life as difficult as possible and to drive Palestinians out.

Mekorot’s wells and pumping stations in the Jordan Valley primarily serve illegal Israeli settlements. The company has over-extracted water from aquifers, damaging both quality and quantity available to Palestinians. Since 1967, Palestinians have not been able to drill any wells in the western basin of the mountain aquifer, the most productive basin, and have been permitted only a handful in the eastern basin. Israel declared the banks of the Jordan River a closed military zone, destroying Palestinian pumps and irrigation systems and denying Palestinians access to the river to this day. The Jordan River, which once flowed abundantly through Palestinian territory, is now controlled entirely by Israel and diverted for Israeli use while Palestinians suffer from water scarcity.

In Gaza, Mekorot controlled three pipelines that provided about 20 percent of Gaza’s water supply, most of its drinking water, prior to October 2023. After October 7, Israel deliberately destroyed Gaza’s water infrastructure as part of its genocidal campaign, creating conditions calculated to destroy the Palestinian population. Human Rights Watch documented in December 2024 that Israel’s deliberate deprivation of water constitutes “extermination and acts of genocide.” The removal of water infrastructure was not a military necessity. It was a systematic effort to destroy the Palestinian population’s ability to survive.

When the Isaac Accords promote Argentine-Israeli water cooperation through Mekorot, they are not promoting innovative water technology. They are laundering water apartheid. They are giving international legitimacy and commercial profit to a company that is a direct instrument of occupation, dispossession, and now genocide. The same technologies, infrastructure, and expertise that deny Palestinians water for survival are being exported to Latin America as humanitarian cooperation. Argentine companies partnering with Mekorot become complicit in Palestinian water theft. Argentine profits flow from Palestinian suffering.

The Isaac Accords are not only about foreign policy. They are intimately connected to domestic authoritarian consolidation and the suppression of pro-Palestinian activism across Latin America. This pattern mirrors the experience of Abraham Accords countries, where normalization with Israel has consistently required silencing domestic opposition through propaganda and repression. The accords serve as tools for strengthening far-right authoritarian rule across the hemisphere.

Milei’s Argentina provides the template for this repression. Since taking office, Milei has implemented brutal austerity measures that have devastated Argentina’s working class: slashing government expenditures by 27.5 percent, cutting public sector employment by tens of thousands, eliminating subsidies for energy and transportation, reducing pensions, and gutting budgets for education, health, and infrastructure. These policies have elevated poverty to 42 percent, triggered recession, and caused immense suffering. Food prices have skyrocketed while wages stagnate. Families have lost homes. Children have gone hungry. Yet Milei has maintained political support among his base, in part by channeling rage toward external enemies and internal “traitors.” Support for Israel becomes a way to demonstrate ideological purity and differentiate his movement from the left.

Pro-Palestinian activism has become a particular target in this environment. Global Jews for Palestine, an international collective of anti-Zionist Jewish organizations with member groups in four Latin American countries including Argentina, has documented the chilling effects of the Isaac Accords. The organization warns that the initiative “aims to ‘end Israel’s isolation on the international stage’” by institutionalizing pro-Israel blocs that suppress dissent. Jewish activists critical of Israel across Latin America report systematic harassment, job losses, family estrangement, and threats. Anti-Zionist Jews in Argentina describe being called “traitors” by their communities, losing teaching positions in Jewish schools, and being subjected to hate campaigns on social media. The irony is bitter: Jewish voices for Palestinian rights are silenced by appeals to Jewish solidarity with Israel.

In Brazil, Jewish journalist and activist Breno Altman founded Opera Mundi to provide critical coverage of Israeli operations, something mainstream Brazilian press fails to do. He has been sued by Jewish institutions, received death threats including threats to “cut off my fingers and break my teeth,” and filed police reports about the harassment. In Mexico, Jews for Palestine activists organizing in universities face coordinated opposition from pro-Israel groups. The dynamics are consistent across the region: pro-Palestine activism, particularly by Jews, is reframed as antisemitism, betrayal, and extremism, justifying exclusion and punishment. This rhetorical strategy is devastatingly effective because it makes opposition to Israeli actions seem irrational or prejudiced rather than based on legitimate human rights concerns.

As one comprehensive study of the Abraham Accords documented, normalization in authoritarian contexts inherently requires “increased repression of local populations, the fraying of social ties and distrust, and greater authoritarian control through propaganda and repressive discourse.” Because pro-Palestine activists and groups constitute a significant portion of Latin American political opposition, crackdowns on anti-normalization sentiment have chilling effects on movements for gender equality, workers’ rights, and democratic reform. Young people considering activism learn quickly that supporting Palestinians will result in social ostracism and economic punishment. Professors speaking out risk their careers. Journalists criticizing Israel face legal action and threats. The Isaac Accords will replicate this dynamic across the region, empowering governments to redefine legitimate criticism of Israeli war crimes as extremism warranting state suppression.

The Isaac Accords are a reaction to something extraordinary: unprecedented Latin American solidarity with Palestine that has positioned the region as a leader in challenging Israeli impunity. Understanding what Milei seeks to destroy requires examining what progressive Latin American governments have accomplished. These governments recognized that justice for Palestinians and accountability for Israeli crimes represent not violations of international law but its fulfillment.

Bolivia became the first Latin American country to sever diplomatic ties with Israel on October 31, 2023, calling Israel’s actions “aggressive and disproportionate” and condemning the “aggressive and disproportionate Israeli military offensive taking place in the Gaza Strip.” Deputy Foreign Minister Freddy Mamani stated the decision was made “in repudiation and condemnation” of Israel’s actions and the blockade preventing “the entry of food, water and other essential elements for life.” Bolivia had previously cut ties in 2009 under President Evo Morales and briefly restored them in 2019, but the Gaza genocide prompted definitive action. When right-wing President Rodrigo Paz took office in November 2025, ending nearly two decades of left-wing rule, Israel immediately moved to restore ties, signing a joint declaration on December 9, 2025. This represents a clear example of the Isaac Accords’ strategy of exploiting right-wing electoral victories to reverse pro-Palestine policies.

Colombia under President Gustavo Petro has provided perhaps the most robust challenge to Israeli impunity in the region. Petro severed diplomatic relations with Israel in May 2024, describing Israel’s actions as “genocide.” In October 2025, when Israeli forces detained two Colombian nationals aboard a humanitarian flotilla attempting to break the Gaza blockade, Petro expelled the entire remaining Israeli diplomatic delegation and announced termination of the free-trade agreement. Petro has called Benjamin Netanyahu’s actions “international crimes,” filed lawsuits in Israeli courts, and urged international lawyers to support Colombia’s legal team. Colombia joined South Africa’s genocide case at the ICJ, helped found the Hague Group (eight countries coordinating responses to Israeli actions), and hosted its first summit in Bogotá in July 2025. Colombia’s position is clear and unambiguous: Israel must be held accountable for genocide.

Nicaragua severed ties on October 11, 2024, with the National Assembly calling Israel an “enemy of humanity” and accusing the government of “the most detestable atrocity of the 21st century.” The regime stated that Israel, “with the support of imperialist countries, aims to extend its barbarism throughout the Middle East, endangering world peace and security.” Nicaragua had also petitioned the ICJ to halt German arms sales to Israel and joined South Africa’s genocide case. The Nicaraguan government, despite its own human rights issues, recognized that supporting Palestinian rights is a moral imperative.

Chile under President Gabriel Boric recalled its ambassador and announced in May 2024 that Chile would intervene in South Africa’s genocide case, with Boric declaring during his annual address to Congress that the intervention was necessary. Chile condemned “the unacceptable violations of International Humanitarian Law that Israel has incurred” and the “collective punishment of the Palestinian civilian population.” Chile’s decision to join the genocide case represents a significant commitment of resources and political capital to supporting Palestinian rights.

Brazil under President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva recalled its ambassador and expressed support for South Africa’s lawsuit, with the Foreign Ministry stating “The president expressed his support for South Africa’s initiative to call on the International Court of Justice to order Israel to immediately cease all acts and measures that may constitute genocide.” Lula compared Israel’s actions to the Holocaust and famously stated: “We are seeing, for the first time, a war in which the majority of those killed are children... Stop! For the love of God, stop!” As the largest country in Latin America and a major global power, Brazil’s position carries enormous weight.

Mexico, under President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, filed a declaration of intervention in South Africa’s case, specifically alleging Israel’s “deliberate obstruction of access to humanitarian assistance” and “destruction of cultural heritage.” Mexico’s intervention brought the largest economy in North America into the coalition supporting the genocide case.

Honduras recalled its ambassador despite coming under intense pressure that President Xiomara Castro described as an attempted coup. The willingness to maintain principled positions despite pressure demonstrates genuine commitment to Palestinian rights.

Seven Latin American nations—Colombia, Chile, Mexico, Nicaragua, Bolivia, Brazil, and Cuba—either joined, intervened in, or supported South Africa’s genocide case. This represents the single largest regional bloc challenging Israeli crimes at the ICJ. As one analysis concluded, Latin America’s support for South Africa’s genocide case rallies Global South support, with the region demonstrating that “an African nation was willing to put the resources behind advocating its positions and ideals on the world stage toward resolving a global issue, and the world has been forced to pay attention to that view.” Latin America has positioned itself as a defender of international law and human rights, standing with the Global South against the imperial powers that have protected Israel from accountability.

The Isaac Accords represent something profoundly dangerous: a systematic attempt to normalize genocide by offering diplomatic rewards, economic incentives, and strategic partnerships to governments willing to abandon Palestinian rights and international law. They demonstrate how far-right authoritarians like Milei, Netanyahu, and Trump can weaponize “peace” frameworks to entrench impunity, crush dissent, and subordinate entire regions to service of apartheid. The initiative is not a regional diplomatic arrangement but a transnational project serving the interests of authoritarian movements across the globe.

The initiative emerges at a moment when Israel faces unprecedented isolation for its crimes. The UN Commission of Inquiry has found Israel committed genocide in Gaza. The ICJ has declared Israel’s occupation illegal and ordered cessation of settlements. The ICC has issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Seven Latin American nations have severed or downgraded diplomatic ties. The region has led Global South challenges to Israeli impunity at international courts. Everything suggests that international justice might finally prevail, that Israel might face consequences for its actions, that the apartheid regime might be held accountable.

The Isaac Accords seek to reverse this moral progress by exploiting right-wing electoral victories, funneling millions through unaccountable NGOs, promoting technologies of oppression as humanitarian cooperation, and reframing solidarity with Palestine as extremism warranting suppression. They promise Latin American autocrats legitimacy from Washington and Tel Aviv in exchange for betraying Palestinians. They offer weapons, surveillance technology, and economic integration to governments willing to vote with Israel at the UN and designate resistance movements as terrorism. The framework transforms complicity into cooperation and makes betrayal profitable.

This is not diplomacy. This is complicity infrastructure, the institutional apparatus required to sustain genocide while manufacturing consent. As Global Jews for Palestine warned, the Isaac Accords would be the next iteration of the Abraham Accords, which sought to broaden Israel’s ties across the Middle East without requiring Israel to uphold the rights of Palestinians. The initiative represents “a philanthropic program focused on promoting the integration of Israel with Latin America” that aims to “end Israel’s isolation on the international stage” precisely when isolation is the moral imperative. By ending Israel’s isolation, the accords would end the pressure that might force Israel to negotiate seriously with Palestinians and respect international law.

Latin American progressives understand the stakes. They have positioned their nations at the forefront of the global struggle against Israeli apartheid and genocide, severing ties, recalling ambassadors, joining genocide cases, and expelling war criminals. They recognize, as Colombian President Petro has stated, that holding Israel accountable requires challenging the entire neoliberal order: confronting free-trade agreements, reclaiming economic sovereignty, and refusing to subordinate justice to profit. This is not simply about Palestine. It is about defending the possibility of international law, human rights, and sovereignty against the forces of authoritarianism and imperial domination.

The Isaac Accords will fail because they are built on the same lie that doomed the Abraham Accords: that peace without justice is sustainable, that Palestinian rights can be indefinitely sidelined, that genocide can be normalized through diplomatic pageantry. As history has proven catastrophically in the Middle East, almost every assumption that undergirded the Abraham Accords was disastrously wrong, not least the idea that dismissing the Palestinians would make for a more peaceful Middle East. Violence erupted precisely because Palestinian rights were denied, because justice was abandoned, because the lie that normalization could proceed without addressing occupation was exposed as a fatal miscalculation.

The people of Latin America, including anti-Zionist Jews courageously standing against their own communities’ complicity, will resist. They understand that peace without justice is not peace. It is surrender to barbarism. And they refuse. The struggle against the Isaac Accords is the struggle for the future of international law, for the possibility that might does not make right, and for the principle that genocide cannot be normalized no matter how many diplomatic frameworks are constructed to achieve it. In this struggle, Latin America has shown the way forward.

in November 2025, as Israel stood accused of genocide by the United Nations, as the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for its prime minister, and as over 72,000 Palestinians lay dead in Gaza’s rubble, Argentine President Javier Milei unveiled his “historic” diplomatic initiative: the Isaac Accords. Named after Abraham’s biblical son and modeled explicitly on the 2020 Abraham Accords that betrayed Palestinians across the Middle East, this new framework seeks to replicate that betrayal across Latin America. The initiative offers Israel diplomatic legitimacy, weapons deals, and strategic partnerships precisely when the international community should be isolating the apartheid regime for its crimes against humanity. The Isaac Accords represent not peace, not progress, but a coordinated assault on international law, a cynical attempt to normalize genocide, and a blueprint for how far-right authoritarian leaders can weaponize diplomatic frameworks to reward criminality and crush dissent.

The timing is no accident. Latin America has become a focal point of global resistance to Israeli impunity. Bolivia, Colombia, Nicaragua, and Belize have severed diplomatic ties with Israel over the Gaza genocide. Chile, Brazil, and Honduras recalled their ambassadors in protest. Seven Latin American nations, including Colombia, Chile, Mexico, and Nicaragua, joined or supported South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice. Colombian President Gustavo Petro expelled all Israeli diplomats, suspended the free-trade agreement, and called Israel’s actions what they are: genocide. This is the context Milei seeks to destroy. By launching the Isaac Accords now, Milei positions himself and Argentina as the spearhead of a counter-movement designed to reverse Latin America’s historic pivot toward justice for Palestinians and international legal accountability for Israeli war crimes.

To understand the Isaac Accords, one must understand their architect. Javier Milei is not simply pro-Israel. He is a fanatical Zionist ideologue whose devotion to the Israeli state borders on religious fervor. The self-described “anarcho-capitalist” libertarian, who won Argentina’s presidency in 2023 on promises to chainsaw the government apart, has made support for Israel the cornerstone of his foreign policy. This shift marks a profound break from Argentina’s historic diplomatic positions and represents the subordination of Argentine national interests to ideological commitment to Israel.

Milei’s transformation into Israel’s most ardent defender in Latin America was orchestrated by Rabbi Shimon Axel Wahnish, now Argentina’s ambassador to Israel and the first person to publicly announce the Isaac Accords in June 2025. Wahnish, who served as Milei’s personal rabbi and spiritual advisor, first encountered the then-fringe politician in June 2021 when Milei sought to counter perceptions of antisemitism. What was scheduled as a 15-minute meeting stretched to two hours, forging a relationship that would reshape Argentine foreign policy. Milei began attending Wahnish’s classes at the Great Temple of Piedras Street, joining the rabbi’s family for Shabbat dinners and Jewish holidays, and infusing his presidential campaign with Jewish symbolism including the blowing of the shofar. This intimate spiritual connection became the foundation for what would become Israel’s most significant diplomatic initiative in the Western Hemisphere.

Upon taking office, Milei made Wahnish Argentina’s first rabbi-ambassador to Israel, a role vacant since 2022, and immediately signaled his intentions. In January 2025, Milei became the first non-Jewish recipient of the Genesis Prize, often called the “Jewish Nobel,” awarded for his “steadfast support of Israel during one of the most challenging periods in its history.” Standing in Israel’s Knesset as Gaza burned, Milei declared: “I consider Israel and the United States as our two main strategic partners. We did not hesitate to declare Hamas as a terrorist organization. My brothers and sisters, Argentina stands by you in these difficult times.” Argentina had indeed become the first Latin American country to designate Hamas a terrorist organization in August 2024, with Paraguay following suit. This designation, made without consultation with other Latin American governments and against the region’s historic support for Palestinian rights, signaled Argentina’s willingness to break ranks with its neighbors.

Milei’s zealotry extends beyond rhetoric. He has promised to relocate Argentina’s embassy to Jerusalem in spring 2026, despite Jerusalem’s status as illegally occupied territory under international law. He has pledged to reverse Argentina’s voting patterns at the United Nations to consistently support Israel, overturning decades of Argentine support for Palestinian self-determination. He recites Hebrew blessings at diplomatic meetings, keeps a kippah in his presidential office, and told Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar during their November meeting: “See you soon in Jerusalem.” Sa’ar described Milei’s affinity for Judaism and Israel as “sincere, powerful and moving,” calling his election “a double miracle, for Argentina and for the Jewish people.” The language reveals the theological dimension of this relationship. For Sa’ar and Israel’s leadership, Milei is not simply a useful political ally but a figure with redemptive significance for the Jewish state.

This is not diplomacy. This is ideological submission, the subordination of Argentina’s foreign policy interests to service of a state committing genocide. For a president of a sovereign nation to place another country’s interests above those of his own people, to reshape his nation’s foreign policy based on religious conviction rather than national interests, represents a historic abdication of presidential responsibility. Milei has essentially converted the Argentine state apparatus into an instrument for advancing Israeli objectives in the Western Hemisphere.

The Isaac Accords operate through a sophisticated institutional architecture designed to bypass democratic accountability and entrench pro-Israel policy regardless of electoral outcomes. This is not accidental. The creators of the initiative learned lessons from the Abraham Accords, understanding that normalization agreements must be institutionalized at multiple levels to survive political transitions. When Milei received the $1 million Genesis Prize in June 2025, he donated the entire sum to establish the American Friends of Isaac Accords, a New York-based nonprofit that serves as the initiative’s operational arm. This NGO structure is critical because it allows the accords to function outside traditional diplomatic channels, directly funding pro-Israel organizations, arranging delegation trips, and facilitating partnerships between Israeli firms and Latin American markets.

The NGO structure also provides insulation from democratic accountability. While elected officials come and go, the institutional apparatus funded by the Genesis Prize operates in perpetuity. Even if Milei loses power in Argentina’s next election, the American Friends of Isaac Accords will continue advancing the initiative’s agenda, ensuring that pro-Israel policy becomes embedded in Latin American governments regardless of electoral outcomes. This is a profound threat to democratic sovereignty across the region.

One critical analysis noted the danger clearly: “This is the hidden strength of the sprawling NGO and think tank networks that steer much of foreign policy from behind the scenes. This consortium of NGOs advances Zionist objectives regardless of who occupies office, answering only to itself and shrugging off any of the consequences.” The Genesis Prize Foundation provided the seed funding, with Chairman Stan Polovets declaring at the June ceremony: “We must end Israel’s isolation on the world stage. Together with President Milei, we will start in Latin America and help make his dream of Isaac Accords a reality.” The explicit goal stated here is to end Israel’s isolation, not to promote peace or Palestinian rights. The framework is designed to reward Israel regardless of its actions, to build diplomatic relationships that insulate Israel from consequences for its violations.

AFOIA’s initial grant recipients reveal the ideological ecosystem driving the accords: StandWithUs, Israel Allies Foundation, The Philos Project, and other pro-Israel advocacy groups already established in Latin America. These organizations have spent years cultivating relationships with Latin American political and civil society leaders, building networks that can be activated to support normalization. The organization is led by former U.S. Ambassador to Costa Rica S. Fitzgerald “Fitz” Haney as Managing Director for Latin America, giving the initiative access to U.S. diplomatic expertise and networks. The initiative explicitly aims to “raise tens of millions of dollars to support programs that foster long-term cooperation,” creating a self-sustaining apparatus for Israeli influence across the region. With tens of millions in funding flowing from the Genesis Prize, wealthy U.S. donors, and Israeli government resources, the Isaac Accords represent an unprecedented investment in reshaping Latin American foreign policy.

The Isaac Accords pursue concrete diplomatic milestones that directly undermine Palestinian rights and international law. These are not vague aspirations but specific policy objectives with measurable outcomes that will be pursued systematically:

1. Embassy relocations to Jerusalem: The accords encourage Latin American nations to relocate embassies from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, legitimizing Israel’s illegal annexation of occupied Palestinian territory in flagrant violation of international law and UN Security Council resolutions. The symbolism is profound. Jerusalem is the capital of Palestine in the eyes of international law and the Palestinian people. Moving embassies signals recognition of Israel’s colonial claims over the city and denies Palestinian sovereignty. The accords leverage the legitimacy that normalization brings to accomplish what military force alone cannot: the transformation of Jerusalem’s status in international consciousness.

2. Designation of Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist organizations: This reframes legitimate resistance movements as terrorism, adopting Israeli and U.S. narratives while ignoring the context of military occupation and apartheid. The designation serves multiple purposes. It delegitimizes Palestinian and Lebanese political movements, it criminalizes support for Palestinian rights, and it legally prevents engagement with the elected representatives of millions of people. By pushing Latin American countries to make these designations, the accords ensure that governments cannot negotiate with Palestinian and Lebanese leaders, making peaceful resolution impossible.

3. Reversing UN voting patterns: The accords explicitly seek to flip decades of Latin American support for Palestinian rights at the United Nations, where the region has historically voted for resolutions condemning Israeli settlements, occupation, and human rights violations. The UN General Assembly has repeatedly passed resolutions supporting Palestinian self-determination, condemning Israeli settlement expansion, and calling for investigations into Israeli war crimes. Latin America has been essential to these majorities. By turning Latin American votes, the accords would fundamentally alter the global balance of power at the United Nations, making it impossible for the world organization to constrain Israeli actions.

4. Security cooperation and arms deals: The framework facilitates Israeli weapons exports and intelligence sharing, directly supplying the military apparatus committing genocide in Gaza. Israeli arms companies have billions in revenue at stake in Latin American markets. Normalization opens these markets, allowing Israeli weapons manufacturers to profit from Latin American military spending while simultaneously strengthening the military-industrial alliance between Israel and Latin American militaries and security services. This creates permanent structural interests aligned with Israeli security policies.

5. Economic integration in strategic sectors: The accords promote Israeli technology transfers in agriculture, water management, and cyberdefense, sectors where Israeli companies have directly participated in the dispossession and oppression of Palestinians. Agriculture and water technology come from companies deeply integrated with Israel’s occupation apparatus in the West Bank. Cyberdefense partnerships will integrate Latin American security services with Israeli intelligence. These economic relationships create dependencies that make it politically difficult for countries to criticize or sanction Israel.

The initiative’s phased approach reveals its ambitions and strategic logic. Phase One targets Uruguay, Panama, and Costa Rica, countries with existing but improvable ties to Israel that “have opportunities for deeper cooperation” and whose “UN voting records on Israel could be improved,” according to AFOIA Managing Director Haney. These countries are chosen because they are already somewhat aligned with Israel but have not yet gone far enough in their support. Phase Two, planned for 2026 and beyond, targets Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and potentially El Salvador and Bolivia. Attempting to pull back nations that have taken strong stances against Israeli crimes represents the true ambition of the initiative. These are the governments that have actually severed ties, joined genocide cases, and expelled Israeli diplomats. The accords aim to reverse these decisions by using economic incentives, diplomatic pressure, and the strategic networks being built through AFOIA.

The November 27, 2025 meeting between Milei and Sa’ar in Buenos Aires marked the formal diplomatic launch. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu praised Milei’s “moral clarity, vision, and courage” as signals of “a new era of common sense, mutual interests, and shared values between Israel and Latin America.” Netanyahu invited “all our friends across the continent, those who believe in freedom, security and prosperity, to join the Isaac Accords,” explicitly linking the initiative to “U.S. leadership under President Trump.” The coordination is no coincidence. The Isaac Accords represent a transnational far-right project binding together Milei, Netanyahu, and Trump in defense of apartheid and genocide. This is not simply about Israel. It reflects a broader alignment between far-right movements across the globe who view support for Israel as a test of ideological purity and opposition to progressive internationalism.

Among the most insidious aspects of the Isaac Accords is the promotion of Israeli “water technology” as a cornerstone of economic cooperation. This is presented as innocent technical assistance, Israel sharing its expertise in water management with Latin American partners facing water scarcity. The reality is far more sinister. These partnerships legitimize and profit from one of the most egregious violations of Palestinian human rights: Israel’s systematic theft of Palestinian water resources. The technological expertise being exported has been refined through decades of denying Palestinians water for survival.

Mekorot, Israel’s state-owned national water company, is explicitly mentioned in existing Argentine-Israeli water cooperation agreements, with “more than a dozen of Argentina’s states already have commercial agreements between the Argentine water company AySA and the Israeli state water company, Mekorot.” This is not a neutral technical partnership. Mekorot has been the primary instrument of water apartheid in occupied Palestinian territory since 1967, and its expansion into Latin America serves both profit and political objectives for Israel.

After Israel’s military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza in June 1967, Israeli authorities immediately issued military orders transferring control of all water resources to Israeli control. Palestinians have been prohibited from drilling new water wells, installing pumps, or deepening existing wells without Israeli military permission, permission that is systematically denied. Israel even controls the collection of rainwater, and Palestinian rainwater harvesting cisterns are routinely destroyed by the Israeli army. In 1982, military control was transferred to Mekorot, integrating all Palestinian water resources into a single Israeli-controlled system that operates for the benefit of Israel and its settlers. This was not simply a policy decision. It was the implementation of a colonial strategy to dispossess Palestinians of fundamental resources necessary for survival.

The consequences are devastating and deliberately engineered. Palestinians in the West Bank consume an average of 70 liters of water per person per day, while Israelis consume 300 liters. For Israeli settlers in the West Bank, who are living illegally under international law, the average rises to 800 liters per person per day. Only 50 percent of Palestinian households receive water on a daily basis. Mekorot routinely charges Palestinians more for water than Israeli settlers, uses smaller-diameter pipes in Palestinian areas, and systematically decreases or cuts off water supply to Palestinians, especially in summer, to meet the demands of Israeli settlers and citizens. These are not accidents or technical issues. They are deliberate policies designed to make Palestinian life as difficult as possible and to drive Palestinians out.

Mekorot’s wells and pumping stations in the Jordan Valley primarily serve illegal Israeli settlements. The company has over-extracted water from aquifers, damaging both quality and quantity available to Palestinians. Since 1967, Palestinians have not been able to drill any wells in the western basin of the mountain aquifer, the most productive basin, and have been permitted only a handful in the eastern basin. Israel declared the banks of the Jordan River a closed military zone, destroying Palestinian pumps and irrigation systems and denying Palestinians access to the river to this day. The Jordan River, which once flowed abundantly through Palestinian territory, is now controlled entirely by Israel and diverted for Israeli use while Palestinians suffer from water scarcity.

In Gaza, Mekorot controlled three pipelines that provided about 20 percent of Gaza’s water supply, most of its drinking water, prior to October 2023. After October 7, Israel deliberately destroyed Gaza’s water infrastructure as part of its genocidal campaign, creating conditions calculated to destroy the Palestinian population. Human Rights Watch documented in December 2024 that Israel’s deliberate deprivation of water constitutes “extermination and acts of genocide.” The removal of water infrastructure was not a military necessity. It was a systematic effort to destroy the Palestinian population’s ability to survive.

When the Isaac Accords promote Argentine-Israeli water cooperation through Mekorot, they are not promoting innovative water technology. They are laundering water apartheid. They are giving international legitimacy and commercial profit to a company that is a direct instrument of occupation, dispossession, and now genocide. The same technologies, infrastructure, and expertise that deny Palestinians water for survival are being exported to Latin America as humanitarian cooperation. Argentine companies partnering with Mekorot become complicit in Palestinian water theft. Argentine profits flow from Palestinian suffering.

The Isaac Accords are not only about foreign policy. They are intimately connected to domestic authoritarian consolidation and the suppression of pro-Palestinian activism across Latin America. This pattern mirrors the experience of Abraham Accords countries, where normalization with Israel has consistently required silencing domestic opposition through propaganda and repression. The accords serve as tools for strengthening far-right authoritarian rule across the hemisphere.

Milei’s Argentina provides the template for this repression. Since taking office, Milei has implemented brutal austerity measures that have devastated Argentina’s working class: slashing government expenditures by 27.5 percent, cutting public sector employment by tens of thousands, eliminating subsidies for energy and transportation, reducing pensions, and gutting budgets for education, health, and infrastructure. These policies have elevated poverty to 42 percent, triggered recession, and caused immense suffering. Food prices have skyrocketed while wages stagnate. Families have lost homes. Children have gone hungry. Yet Milei has maintained political support among his base, in part by channeling rage toward external enemies and internal “traitors.” Support for Israel becomes a way to demonstrate ideological purity and differentiate his movement from the left.

Pro-Palestinian activism has become a particular target in this environment. Global Jews for Palestine, an international collective of anti-Zionist Jewish organizations with member groups in four Latin American countries including Argentina, has documented the chilling effects of the Isaac Accords. The organization warns that the initiative “aims to ‘end Israel’s isolation on the international stage’” by institutionalizing pro-Israel blocs that suppress dissent. Jewish activists critical of Israel across Latin America report systematic harassment, job losses, family estrangement, and threats. Anti-Zionist Jews in Argentina describe being called “traitors” by their communities, losing teaching positions in Jewish schools, and being subjected to hate campaigns on social media. The irony is bitter: Jewish voices for Palestinian rights are silenced by appeals to Jewish solidarity with Israel.

In Brazil, Jewish journalist and activist Breno Altman founded Opera Mundi to provide critical coverage of Israeli operations, something mainstream Brazilian press fails to do. He has been sued by Jewish institutions, received death threats including threats to “cut off my fingers and break my teeth,” and filed police reports about the harassment. In Mexico, Jews for Palestine activists organizing in universities face coordinated opposition from pro-Israel groups. The dynamics are consistent across the region: pro-Palestine activism, particularly by Jews, is reframed as antisemitism, betrayal, and extremism, justifying exclusion and punishment. This rhetorical strategy is devastatingly effective because it makes opposition to Israeli actions seem irrational or prejudiced rather than based on legitimate human rights concerns.

As one comprehensive study of the Abraham Accords documented, normalization in authoritarian contexts inherently requires “increased repression of local populations, the fraying of social ties and distrust, and greater authoritarian control through propaganda and repressive discourse.” Because pro-Palestine activists and groups constitute a significant portion of Latin American political opposition, crackdowns on anti-normalization sentiment have chilling effects on movements for gender equality, workers’ rights, and democratic reform. Young people considering activism learn quickly that supporting Palestinians will result in social ostracism and economic punishment. Professors speaking out risk their careers. Journalists criticizing Israel face legal action and threats. The Isaac Accords will replicate this dynamic across the region, empowering governments to redefine legitimate criticism of Israeli war crimes as extremism warranting state suppression.

The Isaac Accords are a reaction to something extraordinary: unprecedented Latin American solidarity with Palestine that has positioned the region as a leader in challenging Israeli impunity. Understanding what Milei seeks to destroy requires examining what progressive Latin American governments have accomplished. These governments recognized that justice for Palestinians and accountability for Israeli crimes represent not violations of international law but its fulfillment.

Bolivia became the first Latin American country to sever diplomatic ties with Israel on October 31, 2023, calling Israel’s actions “aggressive and disproportionate” and condemning the “aggressive and disproportionate Israeli military offensive taking place in the Gaza Strip.” Deputy Foreign Minister Freddy Mamani stated the decision was made “in repudiation and condemnation” of Israel’s actions and the blockade preventing “the entry of food, water and other essential elements for life.” Bolivia had previously cut ties in 2009 under President Evo Morales and briefly restored them in 2019, but the Gaza genocide prompted definitive action. When right-wing President Rodrigo Paz took office in November 2025, ending nearly two decades of left-wing rule, Israel immediately moved to restore ties, signing a joint declaration on December 9, 2025. This represents a clear example of the Isaac Accords’ strategy of exploiting right-wing electoral victories to reverse pro-Palestine policies.

Colombia under President Gustavo Petro has provided perhaps the most robust challenge to Israeli impunity in the region. Petro severed diplomatic relations with Israel in May 2024, describing Israel’s actions as “genocide.” In October 2025, when Israeli forces detained two Colombian nationals aboard a humanitarian flotilla attempting to break the Gaza blockade, Petro expelled the entire remaining Israeli diplomatic delegation and announced termination of the free-trade agreement. Petro has called Benjamin Netanyahu’s actions “international crimes,” filed lawsuits in Israeli courts, and urged international lawyers to support Colombia’s legal team. Colombia joined South Africa’s genocide case at the ICJ, helped found the Hague Group (eight countries coordinating responses to Israeli actions), and hosted its first summit in Bogotá in July 2025. Colombia’s position is clear and unambiguous: Israel must be held accountable for genocide.

Nicaragua severed ties on October 11, 2024, with the National Assembly calling Israel an “enemy of humanity” and accusing the government of “the most detestable atrocity of the 21st century.” The regime stated that Israel, “with the support of imperialist countries, aims to extend its barbarism throughout the Middle East, endangering world peace and security.” Nicaragua had also petitioned the ICJ to halt German arms sales to Israel and joined South Africa’s genocide case. The Nicaraguan government, despite its own human rights issues, recognized that supporting Palestinian rights is a moral imperative.

Chile under President Gabriel Boric recalled its ambassador and announced in May 2024 that Chile would intervene in South Africa’s genocide case, with Boric declaring during his annual address to Congress that the intervention was necessary. Chile condemned “the unacceptable violations of International Humanitarian Law that Israel has incurred” and the “collective punishment of the Palestinian civilian population.” Chile’s decision to join the genocide case represents a significant commitment of resources and political capital to supporting Palestinian rights.

Brazil under President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva recalled its ambassador and expressed support for South Africa’s lawsuit, with the Foreign Ministry stating “The president expressed his support for South Africa’s initiative to call on the International Court of Justice to order Israel to immediately cease all acts and measures that may constitute genocide.” Lula compared Israel’s actions to the Holocaust and famously stated: “We are seeing, for the first time, a war in which the majority of those killed are children... Stop! For the love of God, stop!” As the largest country in Latin America and a major global power, Brazil’s position carries enormous weight.

Mexico, under President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, filed a declaration of intervention in South Africa’s case, specifically alleging Israel’s “deliberate obstruction of access to humanitarian assistance” and “destruction of cultural heritage.” Mexico’s intervention brought the largest economy in North America into the coalition supporting the genocide case.

Honduras recalled its ambassador despite coming under intense pressure that President Xiomara Castro described as an attempted coup. The willingness to maintain principled positions despite pressure demonstrates genuine commitment to Palestinian rights.

Seven Latin American nations—Colombia, Chile, Mexico, Nicaragua, Bolivia, Brazil, and Cuba—either joined, intervened in, or supported South Africa’s genocide case. This represents the single largest regional bloc challenging Israeli crimes at the ICJ. As one analysis concluded, Latin America’s support for South Africa’s genocide case rallies Global South support, with the region demonstrating that “an African nation was willing to put the resources behind advocating its positions and ideals on the world stage toward resolving a global issue, and the world has been forced to pay attention to that view.” Latin America has positioned itself as a defender of international law and human rights, standing with the Global South against the imperial powers that have protected Israel from accountability.

The Isaac Accords represent something profoundly dangerous: a systematic attempt to normalize genocide by offering diplomatic rewards, economic incentives, and strategic partnerships to governments willing to abandon Palestinian rights and international law. They demonstrate how far-right authoritarians like Milei, Netanyahu, and Trump can weaponize “peace” frameworks to entrench impunity, crush dissent, and subordinate entire regions to service of apartheid. The initiative is not a regional diplomatic arrangement but a transnational project serving the interests of authoritarian movements across the globe.

The initiative emerges at a moment when Israel faces unprecedented isolation for its crimes. The UN Commission of Inquiry has found Israel committed genocide in Gaza. The ICJ has declared Israel’s occupation illegal and ordered cessation of settlements. The ICC has issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Seven Latin American nations have severed or downgraded diplomatic ties. The region has led Global South challenges to Israeli impunity at international courts. Everything suggests that international justice might finally prevail, that Israel might face consequences for its actions, that the apartheid regime might be held accountable.

The Isaac Accords seek to reverse this moral progress by exploiting right-wing electoral victories, funneling millions through unaccountable NGOs, promoting technologies of oppression as humanitarian cooperation, and reframing solidarity with Palestine as extremism warranting suppression. They promise Latin American autocrats legitimacy from Washington and Tel Aviv in exchange for betraying Palestinians. They offer weapons, surveillance technology, and economic integration to governments willing to vote with Israel at the UN and designate resistance movements as terrorism. The framework transforms complicity into cooperation and makes betrayal profitable.

This is not diplomacy. This is complicity infrastructure, the institutional apparatus required to sustain genocide while manufacturing consent. As Global Jews for Palestine warned, the Isaac Accords would be the next iteration of the Abraham Accords, which sought to broaden Israel’s ties across the Middle East without requiring Israel to uphold the rights of Palestinians. The initiative represents “a philanthropic program focused on promoting the integration of Israel with Latin America” that aims to “end Israel’s isolation on the international stage” precisely when isolation is the moral imperative. By ending Israel’s isolation, the accords would end the pressure that might force Israel to negotiate seriously with Palestinians and respect international law.

Latin American progressives understand the stakes. They have positioned their nations at the forefront of the global struggle against Israeli apartheid and genocide, severing ties, recalling ambassadors, joining genocide cases, and expelling war criminals. They recognize, as Colombian President Petro has stated, that holding Israel accountable requires challenging the entire neoliberal order: confronting free-trade agreements, reclaiming economic sovereignty, and refusing to subordinate justice to profit. This is not simply about Palestine. It is about defending the possibility of international law, human rights, and sovereignty against the forces of authoritarianism and imperial domination.

The Isaac Accords will fail because they are built on the same lie that doomed the Abraham Accords: that peace without justice is sustainable, that Palestinian rights can be indefinitely sidelined, that genocide can be normalized through diplomatic pageantry. As history has proven catastrophically in the Middle East, almost every assumption that undergirded the Abraham Accords was disastrously wrong, not least the idea that dismissing the Palestinians would make for a more peaceful Middle East. Violence erupted precisely because Palestinian rights were denied, because justice was abandoned, because the lie that normalization could proceed without addressing occupation was exposed as a fatal miscalculation.

The people of Latin America, including anti-Zionist Jews courageously standing against their own communities’ complicity, will resist. They understand that peace without justice is not peace. It is surrender to barbarism. And they refuse. The struggle against the Isaac Accords is the struggle for the future of international law, for the possibility that might does not make right, and for the principle that genocide cannot be normalized no matter how many diplomatic frameworks are constructed to achieve it. In this struggle, Latin America has shown the way forward.