There is a fundamental mistake at the heart of most political thinking, shared by monarchists and republicans, conservatives and revolutionaries alike:
They confuse power with its costume.
The crown—whether literal or symbolic, whether worn by a king, a party, a president, or “the state”—is widely treated as the source of authority. This is wrong. The crown does not generate power. It merely disguises it.
Power does not originate from symbols, offices, constitutions, elections, revolutions, or sacred histories. Power originates from something far more concrete and far less glamorous: the organized extraction and coordination of time, labor, obedience, and violence.
The crown is not power.
It is the story that makes power appear necessary, natural, and inevitable.
Strip politics of its mythology and power becomes easy to locate.
Power is the capacity to:
appropriate human time and energy,
impose binding rules,
enforce compliance through organized coercion,
and monopolize the authority to decide what counts as “legal,” “normal,” or “inevitable.”
None of this requires a crown.
What the crown provides is legibility. It gives extraction a face. It turns structural domination into a visible figure that can be revered, feared, or blamed. It converts an ugly machinery into a moral drama.
This is why power systems obsess over symbols:
flags, offices, ceremonies, titles, constitutions, founding myths, elections, and rituals of transfer.
These do not create power.
They make power performable.
The crown is not merely decoration. It functions as an operating system for social coordination.
Its core instruction is simple:
Order requires a center.
Someone must be above.
Authority must be personalized.
Without a ruler, there is chaos.
This instruction is repeated so consistently, across centuries and cultures, that it begins to feel like a law of nature. But it is not. It is learned behavior.
Human societies coordinated long before kings. Communities organize daily without sovereign figures: workplaces, mutual aid networks, scientific collaborations, open-source projects, families, and neighborhoods.
Coordination is real.
Hierarchy is optional.
The crown exists to prevent us from noticing the difference.
The crown is forged from two emotional metals:
Fear and hope.
Fear of disorder persuades people to surrender agency. Hope of protection persuades them to tolerate extraction. The crown promises both: safety from chaos and salvation from uncertainty.
This is why authority so often presents itself as a shield rather than a leash.
“Without us,” it says, “everything collapses.”
But this is a sleight of hand. What collapses without the crown is not order itself, but the theatre of command—the belief that order must be imposed from above rather than produced collectively.
The crown persists because it is upheld by what might be called cognitive gravity.
Millions of people orient their expectations, fears, and responsibilities upward—toward a symbol they are told embodies order. This collective orientation gives the illusion of weight.
But weight is not substance.
Legitimacy does not descend from heaven or history. It is continuously generated by compliance. The moment people stop performing belief—stop deferring, obeying, internalizing, and reproducing the narrative—the crown becomes weightless.
This is why authority fears not rebellion alone, but disbelief.
To attack the crown directly is often to reinforce it. To question its necessity is far more dangerous.
The most successful trick of the crown is substitution.
It replaces one question with another.
Instead of asking:
Why must anyone rule at all?
We are encouraged to ask:
Who should rule?
Instead of questioning the need for a center, we argue endlessly over who deserves to occupy it—by birth, by vote, by revolution, by merit, by history.
This substitution keeps the stage intact.
As long as the crown remains unquestioned, every political conflict becomes a casting dispute within the same play.
Once we recognize that the crown is a fiction, the terrain of politics shifts completely.
Legitimacy contests lose their mystique. Revolutions aimed at seizing the center reveal their structural limitation. Violence intended to “take power” exposes itself as an attempt to inherit an illusion.
The real question is no longer how to win the throne, but why the throne is still there.
Power is not defeated by replacing its symbols.
It is neutralized by making those symbols unnecessary.
Rejecting the crown does not mean rejecting coordination, responsibility, or collective decision-making. It means refusing to sacralize them.
Management is not sovereignty.
Coordination is not domination.
Functions do not require thrones.
A society without crowns does not abolish power—it de-mystifies it. Power becomes a tool: specific, limited, revocable, auditable. Dangerous, but necessary. Like heavy machinery, not holy relics.
To say “the crown does not exist” is not nihilism. It is realism without myth.
It does not deny conflict, risk, or imperfection. It denies only the idea that domination must be theatrical to be effective, or personal to be legitimate.
This recognition does not solve politics.
It ends the theatre.
What follows is harder, quieter, and less heroic: designing ways for real individuals—living, finite, accountable people—to coordinate their lives without pretending that obedience is destiny.
That task begins by refusing to look up.
There is a fundamental mistake at the heart of most political thinking, shared by monarchists and republicans, conservatives and revolutionaries alike:
They confuse power with its costume.
The crown—whether literal or symbolic, whether worn by a king, a party, a president, or “the state”—is widely treated as the source of authority. This is wrong. The crown does not generate power. It merely disguises it.
Power does not originate from symbols, offices, constitutions, elections, revolutions, or sacred histories. Power originates from something far more concrete and far less glamorous: the organized extraction and coordination of time, labor, obedience, and violence.
The crown is not power.
It is the story that makes power appear necessary, natural, and inevitable.
Strip politics of its mythology and power becomes easy to locate.
Power is the capacity to:
appropriate human time and energy,
impose binding rules,
enforce compliance through organized coercion,
and monopolize the authority to decide what counts as “legal,” “normal,” or “inevitable.”
None of this requires a crown.
What the crown provides is legibility. It gives extraction a face. It turns structural domination into a visible figure that can be revered, feared, or blamed. It converts an ugly machinery into a moral drama.
This is why power systems obsess over symbols:
flags, offices, ceremonies, titles, constitutions, founding myths, elections, and rituals of transfer.
These do not create power.
They make power performable.
The crown is not merely decoration. It functions as an operating system for social coordination.
Its core instruction is simple:
Order requires a center.
Someone must be above.
Authority must be personalized.
Without a ruler, there is chaos.
This instruction is repeated so consistently, across centuries and cultures, that it begins to feel like a law of nature. But it is not. It is learned behavior.
Human societies coordinated long before kings. Communities organize daily without sovereign figures: workplaces, mutual aid networks, scientific collaborations, open-source projects, families, and neighborhoods.
Coordination is real.
Hierarchy is optional.
The crown exists to prevent us from noticing the difference.
The crown is forged from two emotional metals:
Fear and hope.
Fear of disorder persuades people to surrender agency. Hope of protection persuades them to tolerate extraction. The crown promises both: safety from chaos and salvation from uncertainty.
This is why authority so often presents itself as a shield rather than a leash.
“Without us,” it says, “everything collapses.”
But this is a sleight of hand. What collapses without the crown is not order itself, but the theatre of command—the belief that order must be imposed from above rather than produced collectively.
The crown persists because it is upheld by what might be called cognitive gravity.
Millions of people orient their expectations, fears, and responsibilities upward—toward a symbol they are told embodies order. This collective orientation gives the illusion of weight.
But weight is not substance.
Legitimacy does not descend from heaven or history. It is continuously generated by compliance. The moment people stop performing belief—stop deferring, obeying, internalizing, and reproducing the narrative—the crown becomes weightless.
This is why authority fears not rebellion alone, but disbelief.
To attack the crown directly is often to reinforce it. To question its necessity is far more dangerous.
The most successful trick of the crown is substitution.
It replaces one question with another.
Instead of asking:
Why must anyone rule at all?
We are encouraged to ask:
Who should rule?
Instead of questioning the need for a center, we argue endlessly over who deserves to occupy it—by birth, by vote, by revolution, by merit, by history.
This substitution keeps the stage intact.
As long as the crown remains unquestioned, every political conflict becomes a casting dispute within the same play.
Once we recognize that the crown is a fiction, the terrain of politics shifts completely.
Legitimacy contests lose their mystique. Revolutions aimed at seizing the center reveal their structural limitation. Violence intended to “take power” exposes itself as an attempt to inherit an illusion.
The real question is no longer how to win the throne, but why the throne is still there.
Power is not defeated by replacing its symbols.
It is neutralized by making those symbols unnecessary.
Rejecting the crown does not mean rejecting coordination, responsibility, or collective decision-making. It means refusing to sacralize them.
Management is not sovereignty.
Coordination is not domination.
Functions do not require thrones.
A society without crowns does not abolish power—it de-mystifies it. Power becomes a tool: specific, limited, revocable, auditable. Dangerous, but necessary. Like heavy machinery, not holy relics.
To say “the crown does not exist” is not nihilism. It is realism without myth.
It does not deny conflict, risk, or imperfection. It denies only the idea that domination must be theatrical to be effective, or personal to be legitimate.
This recognition does not solve politics.
It ends the theatre.
What follows is harder, quieter, and less heroic: designing ways for real individuals—living, finite, accountable people—to coordinate their lives without pretending that obedience is destiny.
That task begins by refusing to look up.
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Power Changes Responsibility: Different Advice for the Socialist International and the Fourth Intern…
Introduction: The Left’s Crisis Is Not Ideological, but RelationalThe contemporary Left does not suffer from a lack of ideals. It suffers from a refusal to differentiate responsibility according to power. For more than a century, internal debates have treated left-wing organisations as if they occupied comparable positions in the world system. They do not. Some hold state power, legislative leverage, regulatory capacity, and international access. Others hold little more than critique, memory,...
Cognitive Constructivism: Narrative Sovereignty and the Architecture of Social Reality-CC0
An archival essay for independent readingIntroduction: From “What the World Is” to “How the World Is Told”Most analyses of power begin inside an already-given reality. They ask who controls resources, institutions, or bodies, and how domination operates within these parameters. Such approaches, while necessary, leave a deeper question largely untouched:How does a particular version of reality come to be accepted as reality in the first place?This essay proposes a shift in analytical focus—fro...
Loaded Magazines and the Collapse of Political Legitimacy:A Risk-Ethical and Political-Economic Anal…
Political legitimacy does not collapse at the moment a weapon is fired. It collapses earlier—at the moment a governing authority accepts the presence of live ammunition in domestic crowd control as a legitimate option. The decision to deploy armed personnel carrying loaded magazines is not a neutral security measure. It is a risk-ethical commitment. By definition, live ammunition introduces a non-zero probability of accidental discharge, misjudgment, panic escalation, or chain reactions leadi...
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