The newsletter snippets from Monocle, Semafor, Bloomberg, the Economist, Newsweek, and ArtNews from August 28-31, 2025, offer a kaleidoscopic view of contemporary global affairs, weaving together threads of cultural contestation, diplomatic friction, economic maneuvering, and artistic heritage. At its core, this assemblage reflects a world in flux, where local skirmishes over public spaces echo broader geopolitical realignments, and economic policies ripple into social fabrics. Analytically, these narratives reveal causal interrelations: cultural norms shape policy responses, which in turn exacerbate economic inequalities, all underpinned by social anxieties about identity and sovereignty. Theoretically, this aligns with Antonio Gramsci's concept of cultural hegemony, where dominant ideologies maintain power through everyday struggles (Gramsci, 1971), as seen in battles over nudity, tariffs, and art restitution. Drawing on scholarly works, literature, and philosophy, this commentary explores these dimensions, highlighting how they interconnect in a theoretically-backed framework of global interdependence.
The newsletters read like a compact dossier of late-liberal life: municipal skirmishes over the meaning and governance of public space; the geopolitics of energy and Arctic sovereignty; the political economy of tech, tariffs and industrial policy; cultural-institutional churn; and the visible strain on civic institutions (the Fed, CDC). Taken together, the fragments are less a miscellany than an index of contemporary systemic tensions: spatial conflicts at the micro level reverberate through markets, states and cultural institutions at the macro level. I trace four connected motifs below — public space and the privatization of morals; geopolitical securitization and economic coercion; techno-economic reordering and de-globalizing pressures; and culture as both refuge and battleground — and link them to theoretical touchstones that help explain their causal logic.
The global newsletter snippets reveal a world caught between competing forces of preservation and transformation, democratic ideals and authoritarian impulses, technological promise and social disruption. Through an analysis of these seemingly disparate events—from Seattle's nudist beach controversy to Denmark's diplomatic tensions with the United States, from the Centre Pompidou's renovation to Thailand's constitutional crisis—we can discern broader patterns that illuminate the profound challenges facing contemporary society.
The Battle of Denny Blaine in Seattle exemplifies what urban sociologist Robert Redfield (1947) might have recognized as the tension between orthogenetic and heterogenetic urban functions. The conflict over public nudity at this lakefront park represents more than a simple dispute over appropriate behavior; it reveals the deeper struggles over who controls urban space and how cultural norms are negotiated in increasingly diverse metropolitan areas.ssrn
The case illustrates what David Harvey (1973) described in Social Justice and the City as the way urban conflicts become battlegrounds for competing visions of social order. When a shopping-mall magnate attempts to sanitize a space with countercultural significance through philanthropic manipulation, we witness what Pierre Bourdieu would term the deployment of economic capital to reshape cultural capital and symbolic power. The mayor's "clandestine acquiescence to an imperious neighbor" demonstrates how urban governance often serves elite interests while claiming to protect public welfare.brandeis
This dynamic resonates with Henri Lefebvre's concept of the "right to the city" as articulated in Le Droit à la ville (1968), where he argued that urban inhabitants should have rights not merely to access urban resources but to participate in the creation and definition of urban space itself. The nudist beach community's resistance represents what James C. Scott (1998) in Seeing Like a State would recognize as the collision between local knowledge and bureaucratic legibility—the parks department's attempt to create "clothing-required and optional zones" exemplifies the state's compulsion to render social life administratively manageable, even when such rationalization destroys the organic culture it purports to regulate.
The "Battle of Denny Blaine" in Seattle exemplifies cultural clashes over public space, where a nudist beach's countercultural ethos collides with prudish interventions masked as child protection. This saga, involving anonymous donors, lawsuits, and chain-link fences, underscores social aspects of body politics: nudity, legal in Washington state absent lewd conduct, becomes a "public nuisance" when intersecting with familial norms. Causally, this reflects urban gentrification's interrelation with moral regulation, where affluent neighbors weaponize bureaucracy to reclaim "disordered" spaces, echoing Michel Foucault's biopower thesis—that modern states govern through regulating bodies and populations (Foucault, 1978). Foucault's resonant passage, "The body is the inscribed surface of events" (p. 148), captures how Denny Blaine's fence demarcates not just land but societal boundaries of acceptability.
Associatively, this links to broader cultural implications in the newsletter, such as the Piscine Pontoise's art deco renovation in Paris, preserving heritage while commodifying leisure. Both stories highlight how cultural spaces foster identity amid modernization, yet risk exclusionary policies. In world literature, this evokes Milan Kundera's The Unbearable Lightness of Being (1984), where nudity symbolizes existential freedom against oppressive structures, much like Seattle's nudists resisting "prudists." Socially, such conflicts amplify polarization, as seen in the mayoral election fallout, where clandestine dealings erode public trust—a phenomenon analyzed in Robert Putnam's Bowling Alone (2000), which attributes declining social capital to fragmented communities.
The episode at Denny Blaine Park — the contested nudist enclave transformed into a contested quasi-zonable plot bounded by chain-link and litigation — is a paradigmatic case of how conflict over use-value becomes translated into juridical and political power (and electoral consequence). The story is local (an anonymous donor, a neighbouring mall magnate, mayoral texts, a judge’s “public nuisance” ruling, and a fence), but it stages a more general problem: who governs common space and whose norms are enforced by law?
Foucault’s analytics of government and discipline remain useful here: municipal regulation, signage and the proposed zoning of clothing-optional zones are technologies of governance that instantiate moral regimes in space (Foucault, 1977). (Colorado Mountain College) Yet the resistance to re-zoning — the tearing down of the fence on its first night — also shows how countercultural claims to bodily autonomy can re-inscribe the commons against enclosure. The tension between liberal toleration and majoritarian prudishness recalls Butler’s and other queer theorists’ insistence that norms of embodiment are always politically constituted (cf. Butler, 1990). The Denny Blaine case thus connects the micro-physics of embodiment to electoral politics and legal adjudication — a neat, if messy, example of how intimate practices become public policy.
The accounts of democratic instability—from the Dutch coalition's collapse to Thailand's constitutional court removing Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra—illustrate what Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt (2018) analyze in How Democracies Die as the gradual erosion of democratic norms rather than dramatic coups. The pattern emerging across these cases reflects what scholars term "competitive authoritarianism," where democratic institutions persist but are systematically weakened.direct.mit+1
The Netherlands' political crisis, where "never in modern Dutch history has an entire party resigned from a caretaker cabinet," reveals what Francis Fukuyama (2014) in Political Order and Political Decay identifies as institutional decay—when established political structures lose their capacity to mediate conflicts effectively. The description of the remaining coalition partners having "the authority of a parish council" suggests what Roberto Michels (1915) in Political Parties recognized as the "iron law of oligarchy"—democratic systems' tendency toward elite capture and institutional sclerosis.tandfonline
President Trump's attempt to dismiss Federal Reserve Governor Lisa Cook represents a particularly stark example of what Yascha Mounk (2018) terms "undemocratic liberalism"—the erosion of democratic checks and balances by elected leaders who claim popular mandates. The Fed's independence, as established in the post-New Deal era, represents what Alexander Hamilton called in The Federalist Papers the need for institutions insulated from "the violence of faction." Trump's assertion that "if I wanted him gone, believe me, he would be gone very quickly" regarding Fed Chair Jerome Powell echoes what Carl Schmitt controversially theorized as the "exception" that defines sovereignty—the power to suspend normal legal order.cepr+1
The Denmark-US spat over Greenland, intensified by a memorandum with California and allegations of covert influence, illustrates policy implications of resource-driven geopolitics. Economically, Greenland's strategic Arctic position and rare earth minerals fuel tensions, causally linking climate change (melting ice exposing resources) to imperial ambitions. This aligns with realist international relations theory, as articulated by Hans Morgenthau in Politics Among Nations (1948), where states pursue power through alliances and coercion: "Political realism believes that politics, like society in general, is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature" (p. 4). Trump's administration's "stop-work order" on the Ørsted wind project exemplifies economic retaliation, interrelating energy security with diplomatic leverage.
Associatively, this resonates with the newsletter's coverage of European defense under Trump's shadow, where EU ministers discuss Ukraine aid amid NATO strains. Socially, it erodes transatlantic trust, fostering anti-American sentiment in Europe, as warned in Joseph Nye's Soft Power (2004), which posits that coercive policies diminish influence. Philosophically, this evokes Immanuel Kant's Perpetual Peace (1795), advocating federative alliances for stability—yet here, Trump's tariffs and summonses undermine such ideals. In non-fiction, Yuval Noah Harari's Sapiens (2015) contextualizes this as humanity's shift from hunter-gatherer cooperation to territorial empires, with Greenland as a modern frontier.
The Denmark–US episode (Greenland, the paused Revolution Wind project, and allegations of influence operations) shows how energy, strategic geography and electoral politics interlock. The stop-work order on the $1.5bn Revolution Wind project and the diplomatic summons around alleged influence in Greenland are not isolated incidents but symptoms of a broader pattern: energy projects become instruments of statecraft, and peripheral places (Greenland’s Pituffik base) are securitized because they matter to alliance systems.
Realist accounts of great-power politics help explain the logic of such securitization (Mearsheimer, 2001), but contemporary analysis must also fold in supply-chain geopolitics: energy and critical-minerals infrastructure are now nodes in a competitive geopolitical economy (Harvey, 2005). (JSTOR, PhilPapers) The Danish–US spat thus signals how local development deals (e.g., state-to-state green MOUs) are reinterpreted through electoral and strategic frames — a dynamic amplified when domestic politics in the sponsoring superpower (the United States) are volatile.
The coverage of AI's impact on employment, particularly the Stanford study showing reduced job opportunities for young people in AI-exposed sectors, provides empirical support for what economists David Autor, David Dorn, and Gordon Hanson (2013) describe as "job polarization"—technology's tendency to eliminate middle-skill jobs while creating demand at both high and low ends of the skill distribution.papers.academic-conferences+1
This phenomenon recalls Joseph Schumpeter's concept of "creative destruction" from Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (1942), but with a crucial difference: the pace and scope of contemporary technological change may exceed society's capacity for adaptation. The finding that "skills of more experienced workers in those industries insulated them from the AI-fueled disruption" while young workers face reduced opportunities suggests what Pierre Bourdieu would recognize as the conversion of cultural capital (experience and tacit knowledge) into protection against technological displacement.
Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee's The Second Machine Age (2014) anticipated this pattern, arguing that digital technologies would create unprecedented productivity gains while potentially exacerbating inequality. The newsletter's observation that "the story isn't that simple" because some graduates find positions due to AI knowledge illustrates what economists call "skill-biased technological change"—innovation's tendency to increase demand for certain types of human capital while reducing it for others.papers.academic-conferences
The items on Nvidia, Trump’s tariffs on India, BYD’s production troubles and the end of de-minimis exemptions stitches together a larger story about partial de-globalization and techno-industrial reordering. Nvidia’s earnings narrative — stellar yet ambiguous, and entangled with export-control politics vis-à-vis China — epitomizes how leading platform firms sit at the junction of markets and geopolitics.
From a political-economy perspective (Rodrik, 2011; Harvey, 2005), tariffs and export controls are instruments through which states try to reassert industrial sovereignty in the face of technological dependencies. (Colorado Mountain College, PhilPapers) The Trump administration’s tariff escalation (India) and its novel demands on firms (e.g., licensing deals tied to revenue sharing) are symptoms of a volatility that pushes firms to reorganize supply chains, localize production incentives, and re-negotiate the terms of platform capitalism (Srnicek, 2016). (King's College London)
Two consequences are salient. First, technopolitical firms like Nvidia become strategic actors whose fortunes are inseparable from state bargaining. Second, protectionist measures (tariffs, end of de-minimis) have distributional effects across global producers, small exporters and consumers — a theme the newsletter flags in reporting on Indian exporters and small-business impacts.
The escalating tensions between the United States and various allies—Denmark over Greenland, India over tariffs—reflect what John Mearsheimer (2001) in The Tragedy of Great Power Politics identifies as the inevitable return to great power competition in a multipolar world. Trump's tariff policies represent what economic historian Karl Polanyi (1944) in The Great Transformation would recognize as the "double movement"—society's attempt to protect itself from market forces through political intervention, even when such protection undermines long-term economic efficiency.
The case of India's response to US tariffs—Modi's diplomatic pivot toward China and Japan—illustrates what international relations theorist Kenneth Waltz (1979) termed "balance of power" behavior in Theory of International Politics. India's strategy of diversifying partnerships to reduce dependence on any single great power reflects what Hedley Bull (1977) in The Anarchical Society described as middle powers' attempts to maintain autonomy within constraints imposed by the international system.
Denmark's summoning of the US diplomat over alleged American influence operations in Greenland reveals what Benedict Anderson (1983) in Imagined Communities would recognize as the tension between imperial ambitions and national sovereignty. The description of this as "an unravelling 200-year-old friendship" suggests that even historically close alliances cannot withstand the pressures of renewed great power competition.
Economic threads dominate the headlines, from Trump's 50% tariffs on Indian goods (punishing Russian oil buys) to Nvidia's soaring revenues amid AI fears. Policy-wise, these tariffs causally exacerbate inflation, as seen in rising PCE indices and business cost absorptions, theoretically backed by Douglas Irwin's Clashing Over Commerce (2017), which traces protectionism's history: "Tariffs often lead to retaliatory cycles, harming global growth" (p. 456). Socially, they widen inequalities, as Indian exporters face growth shaves of 20-90 basis points, interrelating with demographic crises like South Korea's fertility plunge amid job pressures.
Associatively, this connects to BYD's EV production dip and the de minimis rule's end, signaling a retreat from globalization. In scholarly terms, Dani Rodrik's The Globalization Paradox (2011) argues that unchecked trade erodes sovereignty, predicting backlash like Trump's: "Democracy, national sovereignty, and global economic integration are mutually incompatible" (p. xviii). Culturally, this mirrors Japan's Mibot EV innovation, adapting to narrow streets—a nod to localized resilience. World literature's parallel is in Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things (1997), where economic shifts disrupt Indian social fabrics, much like Modi's outreach to Japan and China amid US alienation.
The Centre Pompidou's renovation and dispersal of its collection through the "Constellation" programme exemplifies what UNESCO calls "cultural diplomacy"—the strategic deployment of cultural assets to maintain influence and relevance. This reflects what Pierre Bourdieu and Alain Darbel (1991) in The Love of Art identified as museums' role in reproducing cultural hierarchies and legitimating elite tastes.
The case of the Nazi-looted painting in Argentina—spotted in a real estate advertisement and subsequently vanished during a police raid—illustrates what James Cuno (2008) in Who Owns Antiquity? describes as the complex web of legal, ethical, and practical challenges surrounding cultural restitution. The painting's 80-year journey from Jewish art dealer to Nazi appropriation to Argentine disappearance embodies what Walter Benjamin (1936) in "The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction" analyzed as the loss of "aura"—artworks' separation from their original cultural and ritual contexts.origins.osu+1
The broader pattern of cultural restitution demands—from France returning Madagascan skulls to ongoing debates over the Benin Bronzes—reflects what Arjun Appadurai (1996) in Modernity at Large terms "the work of imagination" in contemporary cultural politics. These movements represent what Benedict Anderson would recognize as attempts to reconstruct "imagined communities" through the recovery of material culture.theparliamentmagazine+2
The cultural threads — the Centre Pompidou’s dispersal program, looted art resurfacing in Argentina, and debates about art criticism — point to how institutions mediate collective memory and market pressures simultaneously. The provenance story (a Nazi-looted painting spotted in Argentina) is a reminder that cultural objects carry both aesthetic and juridical histories; restitution debates stage moral questions about accountability, ownership and the legacies of violence.
Walter Benjamin’s reflections on reproducibility and aura remain telling: dispersal of collections and the “Constellation” program alter the conditions of access and the aura of works, even as they democratize circulation (Benjamin, 1936/2008). (Bibguru) Museums and cultural infrastructures are at once vulnerable to political turbulence (funding, censorship, war) and resilient sites of civic repair — an ambivalence visible across the newsletter’s cultural items (Pompidou, Centre-led loans, and local architectural preservation in Japan).
The collapse of the Net-Zero Banking Alliance illustrates what Naomi Klein (2014) in This Changes Everything identifies as capitalism's structural inability to address climate change without fundamentally altering its growth-oriented logic. The alliance's demise—with banks lending "$1.50 to fossil fuels for every dollar they've lent to green energy"—exemplifies what Joseph Stiglitz calls "market failure" in addressing long-term environmental challenges.
The newsletter's coverage of nuclear power debates in Southeast Asia reveals what Ulrich Beck (1992) in Risk Society theorized as the "democratization of risk"—how technological choices increasingly become political questions about acceptable levels of uncertainty. The observation that nuclear partnerships create "long-term dependencies" that can be "exploited for geopolitical gains" reflects what Timothy Mitchell (2011) in Carbon Democracy describes as the political implications of energy infrastructure choices.
Subscribe
The disappeared Nazi-looted painting case connects to broader questions about what Paul Connerton (1989) in How Societies Remember calls "social memory"—how communities preserve and transmit knowledge of past injustices. The painting's vanishing during a police raid suggests what Giorgio Agamben (1998) in Homo Sacer would recognize as the "state of exception"—moments when normal legal procedures are suspended, often allowing powerful actors to escape accountability.
The broader context of cultural restitution debates reflects what Wenzel Chrostowski calls the "ethics of memory" in post-colonial contexts. The demand by Goudstikker's heir to reclaim all stolen works represents what Marianne Hirsch (2012) terms "postmemory"—how traumatic experiences are transmitted across generations through cultural and artistic objects.brandeis+2
Art-related snippets—Nazi-looted paintings vanishing in Argentina, Egyptian smuggling via "dead dad provenance"—highlight cultural restitution's social urgency. Policy implications involve international law, as Marei von Saher's quests echo the Washington Principles on Nazi-Confiscated Art (1998). Causally, wartime looting interrelates with modern smuggling, perpetuating colonial inequities, as theorized in John Henry Merryman's Thinking About the Elgin Marbles (1986): "Cultural property is a form of power" (p. 1883).
Associatively, this ties to exhibitions like "Prism of the Real" in Tokyo, wrestling with 1980s contradictions, and France's return of Madagascan skulls. Philosophically, Walter Benjamin's Theses on the Philosophy of History (1940) critiques progress as "one single catastrophe" (p. 257), resonant with looted artifacts' fragmented histories. In non-fiction, Kwame Anthony Appiah's Cosmopolitanism (2006) advocates ethical globalism, urging restitution to heal cultural wounds.
The coverage of US deportation policies—including the use of "third-country" agreements with Rwanda and other African nations—illustrates what Hannah Arendt (1951) in The Origins of Totalitarianism identified as the "rightlessness" of displaced populations in the modern state system. The description of these agreements as potentially violating "international law by sending deportees to countries where they risk persecution" recalls Arendt's analysis of how refugee crises expose the limitations of rights-based approaches to human protection.
Rwanda's willingness to accept US deportees while positioning itself as "one of Africa's most stable nations" reflects what Achille Mbembe (2003) calls "postcolonial sovereignty"—how African states navigate between international legitimacy and domestic development needs. The broader pattern of countries accepting deportation agreements under threat of visa bans illustrates what Stephen Krasner (1999) terms "organized hypocrisy" in international relations—the gap between sovereign equality in principle and power asymmetries in practice.
The patterns revealed in this newsletter compilation suggest that we are witnessing what Antonio Gramsci (1971) called an "interregnum"—a historical moment when "the old is dying and the new cannot be born." The simultaneous erosion of democratic norms, technological disruption of labor markets, fragmentation of the international order, and climate crisis create what complexity theorists call "synchronized failures" across multiple systems.
This condition resembles what Karl Polanyi described as the breakdown of 19th-century liberal civilization, when market expansion outpaced society's capacity for adaptation, ultimately leading to fascism and war. The contemporary challenge involves managing what Polanyi called the "double movement"—society's protective response to market disruption—without destroying the democratic institutions that make peaceful adaptation possible.
The accounts suggest three possible trajectories. The first, following Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson's analysis in Why Nations Fail (2012), involves strengthening inclusive institutions that can channel conflicts through democratic processes while adapting to technological and environmental changes. The second, reflecting Carl Schmitt's analysis of political theology, involves the emergence of new forms of authoritarianism that promise order through the concentration of power. The third, drawing on James C. Scott's work on anarchist principles, involves the development of more decentralized, resilient forms of social organization that can function without extensive state control.
Two causal patterns tie the vignettes together. First, the privatization/marketization of formerly public domains — whether urban commons, cultural patrimony, or global data flows — generates new conflicts that are simultaneously legal, political and moral. Zuboff’s critique of surveillance capitalism helps explain why platform logics now shape cultural and civic life as much as consumer markets: data-driven practices reconfigure authority and access. (Harvard Business School)
Second, politics and economics are increasingly fused: electoral imperatives, trade policy and strategic security shape industrial and cultural outcomes. The newsletter’s vignettes are thus symptoms of a system where local controversies (a fence on a lakefront) and global realignments (tariffs, Arctic security) are mutually constitutive. A political sociology that marries Foucault’s governmentality with Rodrik’s attention to the trade-state-democracy triangle, and Srnicek/Zuboff’s diagnosis of platform power, gives us a workable analytic frame for the present conjuncture. (Colorado Mountain College, King's College London, Harvard Business School)
Theoretically, these snippets cohere through interdependence theory (Keohane & Nye, 1977), where cultural, economic, and policy spheres entwine: Seattle's fence mirrors global borders in migration deals (US deportees to Rwanda), and AI's rise (Nvidia, HUMAIN) interrelates with economic bubbles. Socially, they signal atomization, as Putnam (2000) warns, yet offer associative hope in cultural revivals like Ogaki Shoten's reading nooks.
Thus, these newsletters capture a world where local quirks reflect global fractures, urging a Gramscian counter-hegemony through inclusive policies. As Harari (2015) posits, our narratives shape reality—perhaps reframing these snippets as calls for cosmopolitan dialogue.
The global developments chronicled in these newsletters reveal a world system under unprecedented stress. The collision of technological acceleration, environmental crisis, democratic erosion, and cultural fragmentation creates what complexity theorists call "cascade effects"—failures in one domain triggering breakdowns in others. Yet these same pressures also generate innovation and resistance, from the nudist beach defenders in Seattle to the cultural restitution movements across Africa to the emerging forms of international cooperation around climate and technology governance.
Understanding these dynamics requires what C. Wright Mills (1959) called "sociological imagination"—the ability to connect personal troubles with public issues, local conflicts with global structures. The Battle of Denny Blaine is simultaneously a dispute over public decency and a reflection of how economic power shapes urban space. The collapse of the Dutch coalition reveals both specific political failures and broader democratic vulnerabilities. The disappeared painting in Argentina connects Nazi crimes to contemporary struggles over cultural memory and historical justice.
These connections suggest that effective responses to contemporary challenges must operate simultaneously at multiple levels—technological innovation combined with democratic renewal, local cultural preservation linked to global cooperation, economic transformation integrated with political reform. The alternative, as Walter Benjamin warned in "Theses on the Philosophy of History," is that we may find ourselves in a state of emergency that never ends, where the exception becomes the rule and democracy becomes merely a memory preserved in the ruins of failed institutions.
The path forward requires what John Dewey (1927) in The Public and Its Problems called "experimental democracy"—the willingness to adapt democratic practices to new conditions while preserving their essential commitment to human dignity and collective self-determination. Whether contemporary societies can achieve such adaptation remains one of the defining questions of our time.
Acemoglu, D., & Restrepo, P. (2019). Automation and new tasks: How technology displaces and reinstates labor. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 33(2), 3-30.
Acemoglu, D., & Robinson, J. A. (2012). Why nations fail: The origins of power, prosperity, and poverty. Crown Business.
Agamben, G. (1998). Homo sacer: Sovereign power and bare life. Stanford University Press.
Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. Verso.
Appadurai, A. (1996). Modernity at large: Cultural dimensions of globalization. University of Minnesota Press.
Appiah, K. A. (2006). Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a world of strangers. W.W. Norton & Company.
Arendt, H. (1951). The origins of totalitarianism. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
Autor, D. H., Dorn, D., & Hanson, G. H. (2013). The China syndrome: Local labor market effects of import competition in the United States. American Economic Review, 103(6), 2121-2168.
Beck, U. (1992). Risk society: Towards a new modernity. Sage Publications.
Benjamin, W. (1936). The work of art in the age of mechanical reproduction. In Illuminations: Essays and reflections (pp. 217-251). Schocken Books.
Benjamin, W. (1936/2008). The work of art in the age of mechanical reproduction. In H. Arendt (Ed.), Illuminations (J. A. Underwood, Trans.). Penguin. (Bibguru)
Benjamin, W. (1940). Theses on the philosophy of history. In H. Arendt (Ed.), Illuminations (pp. 253-264). Schocken Books.
Bourdieu, P., & Darbel, A. (1991). The love of art: European art museums and their public. Stanford University Press.
Brynjolfsson, E., & McAfee, A. (2014). The second machine age: Work, progress, and prosperity in a time of brilliant technologies. W. W. Norton & Company.
Bull, H. (1977). The anarchical society: A study of order in world politics. Columbia University Press.
Connerton, P. (1989). How societies remember. Cambridge University Press.
Cuno, J. (2008). Who owns antiquity? Museums and the battle over our ancient heritage. Princeton University Press.
Dewey, J. (1927). The public and its problems. Henry Holt and Company.
Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and punish: The birth of the prison. Pantheon. (Colorado Mountain College)
Foucault, M. (1978). The history of sexuality: Volume 1: An introduction. Pantheon Books.
Fukuyama, F. (2014). Political order and political decay: From the industrial revolution to the globalization of democracy. Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the prison notebooks (Q. Hoare & G. N. Smith, Eds. & Trans.). International Publishers.
Gramsci, A. (1971). Selections from the prison notebooks. International Publishers.
Harari, Y. N. (2015). Sapiens: A brief history of humankind. Harper.
Harvey, D. (1973). Social justice and the city. Johns Hopkins University Press.
Harvey, D. (2005). A brief history of neoliberalism. Oxford University Press. (PhilPapers)
Hirsch, M. (2012). The generation of postmemory: Writing and visual culture after the Holocaust. Columbia University Press.
Irwin, D. A. (2017). Clashing over commerce: A history of US trade policy. University of Chicago Press.
Kant, I. (1795). Perpetual peace: A philosophical sketch. (Original work published 1795).
Keohane, R. O., & Nye, J. S. (1977). Power and interdependence: World politics in transition. Little, Brown.
Klein, N. (2014). This changes everything: Capitalism vs. the climate. Simon & Schuster.
Krasner, S. D. (1999). Sovereignty: Organized hypocrisy. Princeton University Press.
Kundera, M. (1984). The unbearable lightness of being. Harper & Row.
Lefebvre, H. (1968). Le droit à la ville. Anthropos.
Levitsky, S., & Way, L. A. (2010). Competitive authoritarianism: Hybrid regimes after the cold war. Cambridge University Press.
Levitsky, S., & Ziblatt, D. (2018). How democracies die. Crown.
Mbembe, A. (2003). Necropolitics. Public Culture, 15(1), 11-40.
Mearsheimer, J. J. (2001). The tragedy of great power politics. University of Chicago Press.
Merryman, J. H. (1986). Thinking about the Elgin Marbles. Michigan Law Review, 83(8), 1881-1923.
Michels, R. (1915). Political parties: A sociological study of the oligarchical tendencies of modern democracy. Free Press.
Mills, C. W. (1959). The sociological imagination. Oxford University Press.
Mitchell, T. (2011). Carbon democracy: Political power in the age of oil. Verso.
Morgenthau, H. J. (1948). Politics among nations: The struggle for power and peace. Alfred A. Knopf.
Mounk, Y. (2018). The people vs. democracy: Why our freedom is in danger and how to save it. Harvard University Press.
Nye, J. S. (2004). Soft power: The means to success in world politics. PublicAffairs.
Polanyi, K. (1944). The great transformation: The political and economic origins of our time. Beacon Press.
Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. Simon & Schuster.
Redfield, R. (1947). The folk society. American Journal of Sociology, 52(4), 293-308.
Rodrik, D. (2011). The globalization paradox: Democracy and the future of the world economy. W. W. Norton. (Colorado Mountain College)
Roy, A. (1997). The god of small things. Random House.
Schumpeter, J. A. (1942). Capitalism, socialism and democracy. Harper & Brothers.
Scott, J. C. (1998). Seeing like a state: How certain schemes to improve the human condition have failed. Yale University Press.
Srnicek, N. (2016). Platform capitalism. Polity. (King's College London)
Waltz, K. N. (1979). Theory of international politics. Addison-Wesley.
Washington Principles on Nazi-Confiscated Art. (1998). U.S. Department of State.
Zuboff, S. (2019). The age of surveillance capitalism: The fight for a human future at the new frontier of power. PublicAffairs. (Harvard Business School)
[Written, Researched, and Edited by Pablo Markin. Some parts of the text have been produced with the aid of Research, Perplexity, ChatGPT, OpenAI, and Grok, xAI, tools (September 5, 2025). The featured image has been generated in Canva (September 5, 2025).]
[Support the Open Access Blogs: https://openaccessblogs.gumroad.com/l/openaccessblogssupport.]
OpenEdition suggests that you cite this post as follows:
Pablo Markin (September 5, 2025). The Fenced-In World: How Contested Spaces, Economic Walls, and Digital Divides Are Reshaping Sovereignty. Open Access Blog.
https://www.ssrn.com/abstract=5179131
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13510347.2021.2010709
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15512169.2023.2177547
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09538259.2023.2189006
https://papers.academic-conferences.org/index.php/ecmlg/article/download/2916/2737/11044
https://philarchive.org/archive/KLITU
https://origins.osu.edu/read/loot-colonial-collections-and-african-restitution-debates
https://consrev.mkri.id/index.php/const-rev/article/view/715
https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S2045381718000345/type/journal_article
https://arxiv.org/abs/2407.03968
https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/ec0a9b68e4e51ef5659e09a1a59f880848a029b2
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13501763.2024.2418957
https://www.annualreviews.org/content/journals/10.1146/annurev-polisci-041322-025352
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/13510347.2020.1826935?needAccess=true
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/10220461.2023.2265892?needAccess=true
https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9411837/
https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S026137942300118X
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13510347.2023.2203918
https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/auk-2023-2008/pdf
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13501763.2024.2320270
https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ1340580.pdf
https://ijbmv.com/index.php/home/article/view/36
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Technological_unemployment
https://ijbmv.com/index.php/home/article/download/36/34/69
https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/misunderstanding-democratic-backsliding/
https://chataboutsociology.com/globalization-in-sociology/
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01442872.2025.2521170
https://wsj.westscience-press.com/index.php/wsshs/article/view/250
https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=5031235
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0014292197000196
https://www.scribd.com/document/791782164/Cultural-Preservation-in-a-Globalized-World
https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/on-democratic-backsliding/
https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/41989/chapter/355439121?searchresult=1
https://library.fiveable.me/key-terms/ap-hug/cultural-preservation
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2199853125001428
https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/9781351932578
https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0197397523000279
https://arxiv.org/abs/2412.14606
https://ojs.bbwpublisher.com/index.php/PBES/article/view/11185
https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/219dee37140eb134bb27e6346a07e7a9ecf505e5
https://knepublishing.com/index.php/KnE-Social/article/view/19585
https://www.acjournal.ru/jour/article/view/2425
https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/64b8b832aa1e86ea7112d362e1a9616e32f7cec9
https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/df715bfa356e905138eb5a1a57a4183afc7659a1
https://journal.ar-raniry.ac.id/jsai/article/view/7471
http://deturope.eu/doi/10.32725/det.2014.012.pdf
https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdfdirect/10.1111/tesg.12296
https://oajournals.fupress.net/index.php/smp/article/download/14003/13309
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/urbanplanning/article/download/5733/5733
https://grani.org.ua/index.php/journal/article/download/1493/1461
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/21647259.2023.2225914?needAccess=true&role=button
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/23996544231184051
https://esutjss.com/index.php/ESUTJSS/article/view/174
https://study.com/academy/lesson/what-is-culture-conflict-definition-theory-example.html
https://www.britannica.com/topic/urban-culture
https://www.economic-policy.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/9104_Romelli.pdf
https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1078087420908943
https://journals.openedition.org/cs/6474
https://ies.princeton.edu/pdf/SP19.pdf
https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/social-sciences/urban-governance
https://academic.oup.com/isagsq/article/2/4/ksac053/6753236
https://theloop.ecpr.eu/central-bank-independence-in-a-changing-geopolitical-world/
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/07352166.2018.1499416
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0164070418301484
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0197397523000279
https://www.dw.com/en/colonial-art-restitution-the-desire-is-not-to-wipe-museums-clean/a-47194605
Share Dialog
Pablo B. Markin
Support dialog